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Worst Case: Iraqi War Goes Nuclear
George C. Wilson
National Journal
October 12, 2002
[Re-printed with permission of author]
Israel's firing off a nuclear weapon in retaliation
for Saddam Hussein's attacking it with a chemical or biological weapon
looms as the No. 1 nightmare if the United States goes to war against
Iraq, according to a wide spectrum of government and private arms specialists
pondering the "what-if" scenarios.
The scenario would unfold this way: Saddam fires
chemical and/or biological weapons at Israel. They inflict such heavy
casualties that hard-line Israeli leader Ariel Sharon strikes back with
a nuclear device as deadly as the one that incinerated Hiroshima during
World War II. Arabs and Muslims, in angry response, attack Americans
and their cities wherever and whenever they can, including launching
suicide attacks similar to the ones being conducted by the Palestinians
against Israel.
Four of these worst-case scenarios, including the
Israeli one, have been discussed at high levels in the Bush administration,
although behind closed doors. But the public is unlikely to hear much
about them as President Bush strives to build support for attacking
Iraq should United Nations inspectors fail to disarm Saddam's regime.
What follows are the views of nongovernment defense
analysts on the possible-but not necessarily probable-worst-case consequences
of the United States' invading Iraq. All four scenarios involve the
possible use of weapons of mass destruction, including nuclear bombs.
Government officials, who declined to be identified, were also interviewed
for this story. But their privately expressed concerns closely parallel
those of the private defense analysts, who can speak more freely.
Any military operation involves risks. Before the
first shot is fired, civilian policy leaders, generals, and admirals
routinely explore worst-case scenarios. A widely stated criticism of
U.S. leaders and the press is that before going to war in Vietnam, they
failed to consider adequately the worst things that could go wrong.
But at least a few people are thinking about them today.
1. Israel goes nuclear.
Bruce Blair, president of the Center for Defense
Information in Washington, a defense think tank on the liberal side,
says that two documents have made this scenario more plausible. In 1997,
President Clinton issued Presidential Decision Directive 60, which authorizes
the use of nuclear weapons to retaliate for an opponent's use of weapons
of mass destruction, including chemical and biological ones. The classified
version of President Bush's new nuclear-posture statement is said to
permit the use of nuclear weapons in a pre-emptive strike against a
likely attacker who possesses weapons of mass destruction. That reported
change, coupled with the development of new "bunker-busting" nuclear
bombs, which can hit underground caches of weapons, have made it easier
for Israel to justify going nuclear against Iraq, according to Blair,
who has analyzed nuclear issues intensively over the years and written
several books on the subject.
President Bush and his team have "created a doctrine
that says it is legitimate to respond to weapons of mass destruction
by using nuclear weapons and using them pre-emptively, not just using
them second," Blair said. "Israel could cite our own doctrine, line
and verse, as a legitimate justification for unleashing its nuclear
arsenal in response to even a threat of the use of weapons of mass destruction
by Iraq-to unleash it pre-emptively. In a way, we've even given Saddam
that justification, too. Even Saddam could cite potential threats of
the use of weapons of mass destruction against him."
Saddam, Blair added, could cite the new American-developed
B-61 Mod 11 nuclear bunker-buster as "part of the arsenal of forces
he is arrayed against." If Iraq should kill "tens of thousands" of Israelis
with a weapon of mass destruction, Blair said, "all bets are off" on
whether Sharon would unleash his nuclear weapons. "Israel and Sharon
are increasingly loose cannons in the Middle Eastern conflict."
Joseph Cirincione, director of the nonproliferation
project at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, said that
the Arab world "would go nuts" if Israel dropped a nuke on Iraq. Such
an attack would "expose the complete hypocrisy of the U.S. position:
The Arabs can't have nuclear weapons, but the Israelis can." An Israeli
nuclear attack could kill "tens of thousands of people," he added, and
breed "a whole new generation of terrorists" who would be "intent on
striking back at Israel and the United States." The Carnegie Endowment
has urged Bush to use U.N. inspectors backed by a multinational military
force instead of attacking Iraq unilaterally.
Jack Spencer, defense policy analyst at the conservative
Heritage Foundation, agreed that a retaliatory response by Israel is
the most likely way a war in Iraq could go nuclear, although he doubted
this would happen. And he agreed that President Bush has changed American
policy on the use of nuclear weapons, but he hailed the shift as a good
thing.
"I do not think that the Israelis will respond to
a chemical or biological attack with a nuclear weapon," Spencer said.
"I don't know that they won't. If they got attacked-I'm not talking
about a chemical attack where a thousand people die, but a devastating,
unbelievable attack-then they might." An Iraqi attack that would trigger
a nuclear response would have to be "so horrendous that people probably
would not be able to question Israel's requirement and right to do so.
"While it's not a popular view in the mainstream
media today and among many in the left," Spencer continued, "the fact
of the matter is that Israel shows unbelievable restraint given what
they face every day with this terrorism. I think any country in the
world would react far stronger than Israel has."
Spencer applauded the development of new nuclear
weapons such as the B-61 bunker-buster, because of the changed threat.
"If we need new nuclear weapons, I don't have a problem with it because
that's the way you decrease the likelihood that you have to use nuclear
weapons or some other form of massive force."
Israel and nuclear weapons were also worrisome wild
cards during America's first war with Iraq, in 1990-91. Retired Gen.
H. Norman Schwarzkopf, the U.S. field commander, wrote afterward that
his biggest fear during the Gulf War was that Israel would respond to
Saddam's firing of Scud missiles into Israeli cities by attacking Iraq.
Israel's entry into that war, Schwarzkopf and civilian leaders believed,
would have broken up the coalition of nations put together so painstakingly
by the first President Bush. Many of today's U.S. leaders share the
same worry.
The possibility of using U.S. nukes to burn up Iraq's
biological weapons was gingerly discussed by Schwarzkopf's team and
by Gen. Colin L. Powell, then-chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
and now secretary of State, according to an account in journalist Rick
Atkinson's book, Crusade: The Untold Story of the Persian Gulf War.
Atkinson writes, "Some suggested that detonating a small nuclear warhead
might be a legitimate employment of one weapon of mass destruction to
negate another. Temperatures reaching at least 20,000 degrees Fahrenheit
in three seconds were believed necessary to ensure that no spores survived
an attack. 'We both know there's one sure way to get the temperature
hot enough,' [Air Force Brig. Gen. Buster C.] Glosson remarked to Powell,
alluding to thermonuclear explosions. 'Yeah,' the chairman replied,
'but we don't talk about that.' "
2. Saddam uses weapons of mass destruction against
U.S. troops.
Second in the lineup of worst-case scenarios is
Saddam's decision to unleash chemical or biological weapons on American
troops while they are massing to invade his country. In turn, the United
States strikes back with tactical nukes, perhaps using one of the B-61
earth-penetrating bombs to destroy Saddam's remaining supply of biological
and chemical weapons stored deep underground in Iraq. "How do you stop
Saddam Hussein from using his weapons of mass destruction as the United
States is assembling an invasion force?" asked Cirincione. "It's likely
Saddam would strike before the United States is capable of mounting
an invasion, by using chemical or biological weapons against both U.S.
forces and Israel to try to provoke Israel into reacting.
"My fear is that Saddam has already smuggled out
chemical and biological agents" and hidden them in the United States,
Cirincione added. These weapons "are someplace else and will be used
directly against American targets." The United States would then likely
"feel provoked to use some of the tactical nuclear weapons. You would
then have 1) chemical and biological agents used against Americans in
America, with perhaps hundreds of thousands dead, and 2) the use of
U.S. nuclear weapons-however small-on Arab soil, with Arab casualties
in the hundreds of thousands. Once again, it would be the United States
using nuclear weapons against people of color"-the first instance occurred
at the end of World War II, when U.S. forces dropped nuclear bombs on
the Japanese. Such a scenario would provoke a tremendous Arab backlash,
Cirincione said.
3. The Pakistani government falls.
In this scenario, Pakistani dissidents protest the
U.S. invasion of Iraq by toppling Pakistani leader Pervez Musharraf,
who has been cooperating with the United States in the war on terrorism.
Or the Musharraf government falls after Israeli or U.S. forces use a
nuclear weapon in retaliation for Saddam's use of chemical or biological
weapons. The splintered Pakistani army loses control of the country's
nuclear weapons in the resulting chaos, enabling Al Qaeda or other terrorists
to get ahold of them. Both Blair and Cirincione raised this scenario
as a possibility.
"If Musharraf falls, there isn't another national
institution to take his place," Cirincione said. "The control of nuclear
weapons, nuclear materials, and the scientists who know how to build
nuclear weapons would be up for grabs."
Spencer, however, discounted this scenario. "I don't
think that would happen," he said, "because I'm confident Israel is
not going to shoot a nuke out of the blue." If Israel did suffer such
a devastating attack that it felt compelled to retaliate with a nuclear
weapon, "I don't think anything would happen" in the form of a damaging
backlash in the Arab world. He noted that terrorists are already "stimulated
to the ultimate extent to use violence."
4. Saddam strands U.S. forces.
Under this "what-if," Saddam waits for U.S. invaders
to get deep inside his country and then cuts their supply and escape
routes, possibly by blowing up the entry port in Kuwait with perhaps
a small nuclear weapon that the Iraqi dictator has secretly obtained
and kept hidden.
William S. Lind, director of the Center for Cultural
Conservatism and a military reformist who was a defense adviser to former
Sen. Gary Hart, D-Colo., said the risks of invading Iraq outweigh the
possible gains and therefore should not be attempted. "My worst-case
scenario is that we go in through Kuwait so we have a single port of
entry and a single line of communication and supply as we go down the
Persian Gulf. We get well into Iraq with a small army, our line of communication
is cut, and our Army is essentially stranded."
All of this helps explain why Secretary of State
Powell has indicated he would settle for Saddam's disarming himself
and staying in power, rather than invading Iraq to topple him.
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